14 African Countries Forced by France to Pay Colonial Tax For the Benefits of Slavery and Colonization

Did you know many African countries continue to pay colonial tax to France since their independence till today!

When Sékou Touré of Guinea decided in 1958 to get out of french colonial empire, and opted for the country independence, the french colonial elite in Paris got so furious, and in a historic act of fury the french administration in Guinea destroyed everything in the country which represented what they called the benefits from french colonization.

Three thousand French left the country, taking all their property and destroying anything that which could not be moved: schools, nurseries, public administration buildings were crumbled; cars, books, medicine, research institute instruments, tractors were crushed and sabotaged; horses, cows in the farms were killed, and food in warehouses were burned or poisoned.

The purpose of this outrageous act was to send a clear message to all other colonies that the consequences for rejecting France would be very high.

Slowly fear spread trough the african elite, and none after the Guinea events ever found the courage to follow the example of Sékou Touré, whose slogan was “We prefer freedom in poverty to opulence in slavery.”Sylvanus Olympio, the first president of the Republic of Togo, a tiny country in west Africa, found a middle ground solution with the French.

He didn’t want his country to continue to be a french dominion, therefore he refused to sign the colonisation continuation pact De Gaule proposed, but agree to pay an annual debt to France for the so called benefits Togo got from french colonization.

It was the only conditions for the French not to destroy the country before leaving. However, the amount estimated by France was so big that the reimbursement of the so called “colonial debt” was close to 40% of the country budget in 1963.

The financial situation of the newly independent Togo was very unstable, so in order to get out the situation, Olympio decided to get out the french colonial money FCFA (the franc for french african colonies), and issue the country own currency.

On January 13, 1963, three days after he started printing his country own currency, a squad of illiterate soldiers backed by France killed the first elected president of newly independent Africa. Olympio was killed by an ex French Foreign Legionnaire army sergeant called Etienne Gnassingbe who supposedly received a bounty of $612 from the local French embassy for the hit man job.

Olympio’s dream was to build an independent and self-sufficient and self-reliant country. But the French didn’t like the idea.

On June 30, 1962, Modiba Keita , the first president of the Republic of Mali, decided to withdraw from the french colonial currency FCFA which was imposed on 12 newly independent African countries. For the Malian president, who was leaning more to a socialist economy, it was clear that colonisation continuation pact with France was a trap, a burden for the country development.

On November 19, 1968, like, Olympio, Keita will be the victim of a coup carried out by another ex French Foreign legionnaire, the Lieutenant Moussa Traoré.

In fact during that turbulent period of African fighting to liberate themselves from European colonization, France would repeatedly use many ex Foreign legionnaires to carry out coups against elected presidents:

– On January 1st, 1966, Jean-Bédel Bokassa, an ex french foreign legionnaire, carried a coup against David Dacko, the first President of the Central African Republic.

– On January 3, 1966, Maurice Yaméogo, the first President of the Republic of Upper Volta, now called Burkina Faso, was victim of a coup carried by Aboubacar Sangoulé Lamizana, an ex French legionnaire who fought with french troops in Indonesia and Algeria against these countries independence.

– on 26 October 1972, Mathieu Kérékou who was a security guard to President Hubert Maga, the first President of the Republic of Benin, carried a coup against the president, after he attended French military schools from 1968 to 1970.

In fact, during the last 50 years, a total of 67 coups happened in 26 countries in Africa, 16 of those countries are french ex-colonies, which means 61% of the coups happened in Francophone Africa.

Number of Coups in Africa by country

As these numbers demonstrate, France is quite desperate but active to keep a strong hold on his colonies what ever the cost, no matter what. 

In March 2008, former French President Jacques Chirac said: 

“Without Africa, France will slide down into the rank of a third [world] power” 

Chirac’s predecessor François Mitterand already prophesied in 1957 that: 

“Without Africa, France will have no history in the 21st century” 

At this very moment I’m writing this article, 14 african countries are obliged by France, trough a colonial pact, to put 85% of their foreign reserve into France central bank under French minister of Finance control. Until now, 2014, Togo and about 13 other african countries still have to pay colonial debt to France. African leaders who refuse are killed or victim of coup. Those who obey are supported and rewarded by France with lavish lifestyle while their people endure extreme poverty, and desperation. 

It’s such an evil system even denounced by the European Union, but France is not ready to move from that colonial system which puts about 500 billions dollars from Africa to its treasury year in year out. 

We often accuse African leaders of corruption and serving western nations interests instead, but there is a clear explanation for that behavior. They behave so because they are afraid the be killed or victim of a coup. They want a powerful nation to back them in case of aggression or trouble. But, contrary to a friendly nation protection, the western protection is often offered in exchange of these leaders renouncing to serve their own people or nations’ interests. 

African leaders would work in the interest of their people if they were not constantly stalked and bullied by colonial countries. 

In 1958, scared about the consequence of choosing independence from France, Leopold Sédar Senghor declared: “The choice of the Senegalese people is independence; they want it to take place only in friendship with France, not in dispute.” 

From then on France accepted only an “independence on paper” for his colonies, but signed binding “Cooperation Accords”, detailing the nature of their relations with France, in particular ties to France colonial currency (the Franc), France educational system, military and commercial preferences. 

Below are the 11 main components of the Colonisation continuation pact since 1950s: 

#1. Colonial Debt for the benefits of France colonization 

The newly “independent” countries should pay for the infrastructure built by France in the country during colonization. 

I still have to find out the complete details about the amounts, the evaluation of the colonial benefits and the terms of payment imposed on the african countries, but we are working on that (help us with info). 

#2. Automatic confiscation of national reserves 

The African countries should deposit their national monetary reserves into France Central bank. 

France has been holding the national reserves of fourteen african countries since 1961: Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Togo, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo-Brazzaville, Equatorial Guinea and Gabon. 

“The monetary policy governing such a diverse aggregation of countries is uncomplicated because it is, in fact, operated by the French Treasury, without reference to the central fiscal authorities of any of the WAEMU or the CEMAC. Under the terms of the agreement which set up these banks and the CFA the Central Bank of each African country is obliged to keep at least 65% of its foreign exchange reserves in an “operations account” held at the French Treasury, as well as another 20% to cover financial liabilities. 

The CFA central banks also impose a cap on credit extended to each member country equivalent to 20% of that country’s public revenue in the preceding year. Even though the BEAC and the BCEAO have an overdraft facility with the French Treasury, the drawdowns on those overdraft facilities are subject to the consent of the French Treasury. The final say is that of the French Treasury which has invested the foreign reserves of the African countries in its own name on the Paris Bourse. 

In short, more than 80% of the foreign reserves of these African countries are deposited in the “operations accounts” controlled by the French Treasury. The two CFA banks are African in name, but have no monetary policies of their own. The countries themselves do not know, nor are they told, how much of the pool of foreign reserves held by the French Treasury belongs to them as a group or individually. 

The earnings of the investment of these funds in the French Treasury pool are supposed to be added to the pool but no accounting is given to either the banks or the countries of the details of any such changes. The limited group of high officials in the French Treasury who have knowledge of the amounts in the “operations accounts”, where these funds are invested; whether there is a profit on these investments; are prohibited from disclosing any of this information to the CFA banks or the central banks of the African states .” Wrote Dr. Gary K. Busch

It’s now estimated that France is holding close to 500 billions African countries money in its treasury, and would do anything to fight anyone who want to shed a light on this dark side of the old empire. 

The African countries don’t have access to that money. 

France allows them to access only 15% of the money in any given year. If they need more than that, they have to borrow the extra money from their own 65% from the French Treasury at commercial rates. 

To make things more tragic, France impose a cap on the amount of money the countries could borrow from the reserve. The cap is fixed at 20% of their public revenue in the preceding year. If the countries need to borrow more than 20% of their own money, France has a veto. 

Former French President Jacques Chirac recently spoke about the African nations money in France banks. Here is a video of him speaking about the french exploitation scheme. He is speaking in French, but here is a short excerpt transcript: “We have to be honest, and acknowledge that a big part of the money in our banks come precisely from the exploitation of the African continent.” 

#3. Right of first refusal on any raw or natural resource discovered in the country 

France has the first right to buy any natural resources found in the land of its ex-colonies. It’s only after France would say, “I’m not interested”, that the African countries are allowed to seek other partners. 

#4. Priority to French interests and companies in public procurement and public biding 

In the award of government contracts, French companies must be considered first, and only after that these countries could look elsewhere. It doesn’t matter if the african countries can obtain better value for money elsewhere. 

As consequence, in many of the french ex-colonies, all the majors economical assets of the countries are in the hand of french expatriates. In Côte d’Ivoire, for example, french companies own and control all the major utilities – water, electricity, telephone, transport, ports and major banks. The same in commerce, construction, and agriculture. 

In the end, as I’ve written in a previous article, Africans now Live On A Continent Owned by Europeans!

#5. Exclusive right to supply military equipment and Train the country military officers 

Through a sophisticated scheme of scholarships, grants, and “Defense Agreements” attached to the Colonial Pact, the africans should send their senior military officers for training in France or French ran-training facilities. 

The situation on the continent now is that France has trained hundreds, even thousands of traitors and nourish them. They are dormant when they are not needed, and activated when needed for a coup or any other purpose! 

#6. Right for France to pre-deploy troops and intervene military in the country to defend its interests 

Under something called “Defence Agreements” attached to the Colonial Pact, France had the legal right to intervene militarily in the African countries, and also to station troops permanently in bases and military facilities in those countries, run entirely by the French. 

When President Laurent Gbagbo of Côte d’Ivoire tried to end the French exploitation of the country, France organized a coup. During the long process to oust Gbagbo, France tanks, helicopter gunships and Special Forces intervened directly in the conflit, fired on civilians and killed many.

To add insult to injury, France estimated that the French business community had lost several millions of dollars when in the rush to leave Abidjan in 2006 the French Army massacred 65 unarmed civilians and wounded 1,200 others.

After France succeeded the coup, and transferred power to Alassane Outtara, France requested Ouattara government to pay compensation to French business community for the losses during the civil war.

Indeed the Ouattara government paid them twice what they said they had lost in leaving.

#7. Obligation to make French the official language of the country and the language for education

Oui, Monsieur. Vous devez parlez français, la langue de Molière!

A French language and culture dissemination organization has been created called “Francophonie” with several satellites and affiliates organizations supervised by the French Minister of Foreign Affairs.

As demonstrated in this article, if French is the only language you speak, you’d have access to less than 4% of humanity knowledge and ideas. That’s very limiting.

#8. Obligation to use France colonial money FCFA

That’s the real milk cow for France, but it’s such an evil system even denounced by the European Union, but France is not ready to move from that colonial system which puts about 500 billions dollars from Africa to its treasury.

During the introduction of Euro currency in Europe, other european countries discovered the french exploitation scheme. Many, specially the nordic countries, were appalled and suggested France get rid of the system, but unsuccessfully.

#9. Obligation to send France annual balance and reserve report.

Without the report, no money.

Anyway the secretary of the Central banks of the ex-colonies, and the secretary of the bi-annual meeting of the Ministers of Finance of the ex-colonies is carried out by France Central bank / Treasury.

#10. Renonciation to enter into military alliance with any other country unless authorized by France

African countries in general are the ones with will less regional military alliances. Most of the countries have only military alliances with their ex-colonisers! (funny, but you can’t do better!).

In the case France ex-colonies, France forbid them to seek other military alliance except the one it offered them.

#11. Obligation to ally with France in situation of war or global crisis

Over one million africans soldiers fought for the defeat of nazism and fascism during the second world war.

Their contribution is often ignored or minimized, but when you think that it took only 6 weeks for Germany to defeat France in 1940, France knows that Africans could be useful for fighting for la “Grandeur de la France” in the future.

There is something almost psychopathic in the relation of France with Africa.

First, France is severely addicted to looting and exploitation of Africa since the time of slavery. Then there is this complete lack of creativity and imagination of french elite to think beyond the past and tradition.

Finally, France has 2 institutions which are completely frozen into the past, inhabited by paranoid and psychopath “haut fonctionnaires” who spread fear of apocalypse if France would change, and whose ideological reference still comes from the 19th century romanticism: they are the Minister of Finance and Budget of France and the Minister of Foreign affairs of France.

These 2 institutions are not only a threat to Africa, but to the French themselves.

It’s up to us as African to free ourselves, without asking for permission, because I still can’t understand for example how 450 french soldiers in Côte d’Ivoire could control a population of 20 millions people!? 

People first reaction when they learn about the french colonial tax is often a question: “Until when?”

For historical comparison, France made Haiti to pay the modern equivalent of $21 billion from 1804 till 1947 (almost one century and half) for the losses caused to french slave traders by theabolition of slavery and the liberation of the Haitian slaves.

African countries are paying the colonial tax only for the last 50 years, so I think one century of payment might be left!

Madrid: Morocco recruits terrorists in European countries considered as "enemies" because of their support to Western Sahara independence

Spanish media sources, of which "El Mundo" and "La Razón", revealed some details and informations confirming involvement of Gulf states in supporting and financing terrorist organizations and extremist religious associations, including "Daesh" and the group "Brothers" on Spanish territory, and in a number of countries over the world.

Spanish newspapers shed light on the financing of radical Islamist organizations in Spain matter, particularly the group "Muslim Brothers", "Islamic Liberation Party", "Justice and Charity Party" and "Tabligh Movement" as well as Salafi movement.

According to the spanish newspaper "La Razón", some anti-terrorist sources in Spain, confirmed that wealthy businessmen from the Gulf are financing radical nature imams at Catalan region, where exist 250 mosques, of which 80 in Barcelona, ​​noting that experts from Spanish anti-terrorist police confirmed that recruitment operations towards Syria and Iraq are carried out systematically with funds from the Gulf.

The newspaper added that "Brothers" are political Islam supporters just as a cover, but reality is organizations depending on "Brothers" are working in the shade to spread violence in Spain. It highlighted there is an imam called Mohammed Atouli, which controls several mosques at "Costa Brava region", said mosques in the region has received half a million euros. He said this amount came from the donations of believers, but Spanish intelligence services revealed that this amount is too large for the number of Muslims in the region, which pushed them to open an investigation on the destination of these funds.

"El Mundo" highlighted Spanish interior ministry officials are following since years the phenomenon evolution in Catalonia: They confirmed that among 10 most radical imams in Spain, 6 of them live in Catalonia and pointed out that direct financing from Gulf states under various names, are what make radicalism and extremism spreading.

The newspaper emphasize that Spain has a high level of terrorist threat, and there is a high probability of a terrorist attack in Spain or against Spanish interests abroad, according to Spanish intelligence, noting that Morocco was behind the recruitment of terrorists, especially in Melilla and Ceuta, two spanish cities, and send them to Europe, especially towards the countries supporting UN resolutions on Western Sahara self-determination, considered by Rabat as enemy states.

Source : Al.Fajr, 23/07/2016

Western Sahara: Mission Mandate Extended for 12 Months

This morning, the Council adopted a resolution on the mandate of the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO), with ten votes in favour, two against(Uruguay and Venezuela), and three abstentions (Angola, New Zealand and Russia). Twice before there has been a non-consensual renewal on MINURSO’s mandate. In 1999 with fourteen votes in favour and one abstention, and in 2000 with 12 in favour, one against and two abstentions. (The last Council resolution that was adopted with two or more votes against was resolution 688 of April 1991, which was used by France, the UK and the US to establish Iraqi no-fly zones to protect humanitarian operations in Iraq. Resolution 688 was adopted with ten votes in favour, three against, and two abstentions).

The lack of consensus on this resolution reflects the divisions over the developments and process leading up to this adoption. Following a dispute between the Secretary-General and Morocco, Morocco demanded the withdrawal of most of the civilian staff from MINURSO. (For background to these developments please see the What’s in Blue stories on 26 March and 26 April.) The resolution extends the mandate of MINURSO for 12 months, and requests the Secretary-General “to brief the Council within 90 days on whether MINURSO has returned to full functionality and expresses its intention, if it has not done so, to consider how best to facilitate this”.

Negotiations on the draft
The text was initially drafted by the penholder, the US, using as a basis last year’s resolution, and then discussed among the Group of Friends on Western Sahara (France, Russia, Spain, the UK and the US). It appears that several elements of the original US text were amended at this stage. Originally the text requested the Secretary-General to brief the Council “within 60 days on whether MINURSO has returned to full functionality and expresses its intention, if MINURSO has not achieved full functionality, to consider immediate steps to facilitate achievement of this goal”. This was replaced by softer language requesting a briefing within 120 days “on whether MINURSO has returned to full functionality and expresses its intention, if MINURSO has not achieved full functionality, to consider how best to facilitate achievement of this goal”.

Changes made in the preambular part at this stage included removing language on the expulsion of MINURSO civilian personnel in a sentence on how MINURSO’s ability to carry out its mandate has been affected by the majority of its civilian personnel not being able to carry out its duties. The draft that was circulated to the larger Council membership simply noted with concern that “MINURSO’s ability to fully carry out its mandate has been affected as the majority of its civilian component, including political personnel, cannot perform their duties within MINURSO’s area of operations”. A direct indication that the civilian staff had been expelled by Morocco was therefore removed.

Another change in preambular language is that the original text recognised the important role played by MINURSO in “monitoring the ceasefire, contributing to the Security Council’s awareness of the situation on the ground and promoting a mutually acceptable political solution”, but was replaced by recognising “the important role played by MINURSO on the ground and the need for it to fully implement its mandate”, omitting reference to elements of the mandate that are resisted by Morocco. It seems that in the Group of Friends, amendments were largely suggested by France.

The text was circulated to all Council members about twenty minutes before scheduled consultations on Wednesday (27 April). Following the consultations, members met at Permanent Representative-level to discuss the draft, which at that time was scheduled for adoption the following morning. It appears that New Zealand, Uruguay and Venezuela said that they could not support a resolution that they were not given time to negotiate. Several members also expressed disappointment at the weak language of the text and the lack of transparency in the drafting process. Following the meeting, the adoption was delayed to this morning, allowing one more day for deliberations.

Yesterday, members met at political coordinator level to discuss the draft text. The reporting period on MINURSO emerged as the main issue of contention, with Angola, Malaysia, New Zealand, Russia, the UK, Uruguay and Venezuela arguing to have the request reduced from 120 days to a shorter period. Some members also wanted stronger language in this paragraph. It appears that Russia made a point of stating that, while the document had been discussed in the Group of Friends, it was not a consensual text of the group. Issues related to both the language and scope of the draft text were raised by several Council members. A number expressed the view that the draft text ought to have strong language calling for the resumption of direct talks and movement on the political process, instead of focusing largely on the current crisis. Some members also wanted the text to reflect the implications that the conflict has on peace and security in the region. It appears that throughout the meeting the US stressed that, while it valued the serious concerns of Council members, a balanced approach was needed as this was a very delicate text. As a result, there was a general sense that no substantive change would be possible. Members were also aware that Morocco was following the negotiations closely and that it had indicated to Council members that it would prefer not to have any changes to the text by the larger Council membership.

Last night, the US circulated and immediately put in blue a revised text, in which two changes were made. Firstly, it expressed regret, rather than “noting with concern”, that MINURSO’s ability to fully carry out its mandate is being affected by the civilian staff not being able to perform their duties; and secondly, the request to have the Secretary-General brief the Council in 120 days was reduced to 90 days, though the language of this paragraph was otherwise unchanged.

Explanation of Vote
Following this morning’s vote, Angola, France, New Zealand, Russia, Senegal, Spain, Ukraine, the UK, the US, Uruguay and Venezuela provided an explanation of vote. Those who voted against or abstained cited numerous concerns, both substantive and in relation to the process. Venezuela described the drafting process as having a “total absence of transparency” with only one substantive discussion, and stated that the resulting document does not reflect the positions of several Council members. Similar views were voiced by Angola, Malaysia and New Zealand. . There was also unhappiness voiced over perceived double standards by Angola and Venezuela which said that without the backing of friends on the Council, measures would be imposed on Morocco, as they are on other African countries.

Another common refrain among dissenting members related to what they perceived to be weak, vague or misleading language. Uruguay raised concerns that the text is almost identical to that adopted in previous years as if it were “business as usual”, even in light of Morocco’s decision of 16 March to expel MINURSO’s civilian staff, which radically changed the ability of the Council-mandate mission to operate. Angola, New Zealand, Uruguay and Venezuela said that the resolution should have demanded the immediate return of the expelled staff. Russia noted that including reference to “the serious and credible Moroccan efforts to move the process forward” sent the wrong political message. Uruguay, together with Venezuela, said that 90 days was too long a review period. Uruguay also criticised the fact there was no indication in the text as to how MINURSO can return to full functionality, or who would be responsible for this. In addition, it pointed out the weak commitment conveyed by using “expressing its intention” in relation to the Council considering how to facilitate the return to full functionality if this has not happened by the 90 period.

Another common issue raised by the dissenting members was that the resolution did not address the wider political process. Venezuela criticised the Council for wanting to “arbitrarily” forget MINURSO’s original mandate of conducting a referendum for the self-determination of the Sahrawi people, a sentiment that was echoed by Uruguay. New Zealand stressed that the Council should have taken up the advice of the Secretary-General that the time has come to engage in serious negotiations without preconditions and in good faith to reach “a mutually acceptable political solution, which will provide for the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara.”

Many of the countries that voted in favour of the resolution acknowledged the difficulties of the negotiation process, but also stressed that renewing the mandate is crucial for the continuation of the important work being done by MINURSO. The UK, US and Spain urged Morocco and the Secretary-General to work to overcome the current crisis. France, Senegal and the US all described Morocco’s autonomy plan as a serious and credible basis for a solution. Both the UK and the US noted that the Council has a responsibility to protect the integrity of the mandates that it authorises. The US also said that the Council had to ensure the effectiveness and safety of peacekeeping personnel worldwide, including those serving in MINURSO, stating that the Council must respond swiftly and proactively in any situation in which a government requires the staff from a UN peacekeeping mission immediately to depart.

Nailed, Morocco sets its terrorists in motion against Western Sahara civil population

In a video posted on Youtube, and in a Daesh-like-scenario, a named Said Zalmat, a bearded Moroccan in Islamist hard liner fundamentalist way and the look of a subservient member of a terrorist group, holds a speech full of mouths blows against the Polisario and Algeria. Carrying a Samurai sword, a head bandaged in black with white letters of the Moroccan kingdom official slogan; Allah, homeland, king and dressed in a military uniform, this terrorist hastily comes out of a mountain cave, walks on a rocky hill in the outskirts of The Moroccan city Mekness and begins using and abusing the Islamic terminology to warn and threaten those he qualifies enemies of the territorial integrity of Morocco, namely the Saharawis and Algerians. Straight at the end of his speech full of insatiable hatred, he sets ablaze the flag of the Saharawi Republic and that of Algeria promising their states and peoples a bitter retaliation and horrible repercussions. http://youtu.be/Ewx13iVTK2c

Nevertheless, this is not the first time that Rabat monarchical regime sets in motion its terrorists to threaten the Sahrawis amid the full knowledge of the Moroccan security authorities without that the latter take measures to deter these terrorist and extremely dangerous actions. Likewise, not a long time ago a young man named Amine El Baroudi, affiliated with Morocco Royalist Youth, a youth organization fabricated by Morocco official apparatus, posted a video (see below) in which he violently attacked the Sahrawi population, threatening them of gruesome revenge, gun at hand. Nevertheless, no law suit was issued against him. http://youtu.be/47rjSVG52oU 
Even worse, in an article in the Moroccan online newspaper “l’Observateur du Maroc”,” the director of this publication himself Arif Hakim, disguised in a call for a cyber-terrorist war, encourages young Moroccans to commit terrorist actions against the Saharawis http: //lobservateurdumaroc.info/2014/10/10/hackers-a-vos-claviers/ 

This scurrilous call to inflict harmful acts against the The Saharawi civilian population has been echoed visually this time. In fact, in its news bulletin, the local widely viewed Moroccan TV 2M held the Saharawis students responsible accusing them of killing a Moroccan student during the bloody events that took place in Marrakech university campus. An accusation pronounced live before even the release of the final investigation report of Morocco royal prosecutor, not mentioning the court final verdict.http://youtu.be/8iTpgSWPQLs
For the colonial regime in Rabat, everything is permitted to defend its occupation of Western Sahara including official state hatred campaign against the Saharawis and the use of terrorism.
Khalil Asmar


Sahrawis must enjoy their right to self-determination within the framework of a mutually acceptable political solution.

I have just come from Tindouf last night, where I saw first-hand the very harsh conditions of the refugees. For more than forty years, they have been separated from their families. I was deeply, deeply saddened – and especially concerned about the children who may not be able to imagine life beyond the camps. The children who were born 40 years ago, they have become 40 years old – can you believe that? Young children, boys and girls, I was so sad, particularly sad for them because if they think that the end of their camp is the end of the world, end of their vision, end of their dream, then what will happen to them? We have to be responsible. We have to do much, much more.

I saw tens of thousands of people yesterday. They all came out of refugee camps. It was 18 years after when the last Secretary-General visited that camp. Kofi Annan, my predecessor was there in 1998. Eighteen years after I was there. It was too late and I felt very much guilty sense that why am I here so late? But I thought never too late, anyway. I have seen from their faces who are sending their urgent appeal, messages, out of frustration, out of anger, against the international community, against the United Nations and maybe the countries who can have influence on them, including the members of the Security Council.

The world cannot forget the Sahrawi people. They must enjoy their human rights – their human dignity; even minimum human dignity I couldn’t find from there – especially the right to self-determination within the framework of a mutually acceptable political solution.

Addressing the Western Sahara issue is a major purpose of my visit to this region. I am here with an urgent plea for more attention and action.

I intend to resume this trip with visits to Morocco and Laayoune.

I have three important objectives of my visit to this region.

First: to assess the search for a settlement on Western Sahara. I am calling for a more positive spirit by all the parties. I am here with [Personal] Representative Ambassador Christopher Ross but I have asked him to engage in more shuttle diplomacy so that this dormant negotiation could be resuscitated as soon as possible

Second, to shine a spotlight on this neglected humanitarian tragedy. The world must address the terrible suffering of the Sahrawi refugees. And I’m going to convene soon in Geneva a donor conference.

And third, to pay tribute to the staff of our Mission there, MINURSO, and encourage them to continue their mission even though it may be very difficult. It’s the middle of desert, middle of nowhere. I was very much saddened but I was very much grateful to these young women and men who were just sitting in the middle of desert where there was no other facilities but engaging in monitoring the ceasefire, demining and providing water and sanitation to these people. We have many hardworking United Nations staff and international humanitarian agencies who are working day and night.

I have held very productive talks with the Foreign Minister this morning and I’m going to engage in continuing dialogue with His Excellency President Bouteflika and the Prime Minister and other Algerian leaders today. This country has played a key role on Western Sahara and I really count on the government of Algeria and its people for their continuing support. I heard from particularly many women refugees, they were sending their appreciation to Algerian people.

Phosboucraa workers Children Protest against their exclusion

OCP Group General management


I applied this system on OCP users belonging to different classes of workers, employees, technicians and agents, managerial frameworks, under the Dahir No. 1-58-007 5/6/1380 (December 24, 1960) of the Statute of the mining contracting users as amended and the cmiesi.

And is valid from January 1st 1973.

Article 6

Users are operating at national level. However, OCP can give precedence to agents of crossed through records by mass layoffs, and the children of deceased service personnel, and children of retirees, and children of employees employees if they meet the required operating conditions.

Following the disappointing reality and dire situation of human rights in their universality, which human living desert in particular economic rights tell you and ask you () and we grief and disappointment intervened to injustice and exclusion and marginalization and denial of our rights and our goods and riches.

Sir, this exclusion be long us, long as children of Western Sahara is no longer acceptable, particularly with the establishment of a coordinating tnskitna sons and widows of vosbokraa which has not licensed the Moroccan administration because of our defense, especially the right to run the mine, which is guaranteed by modern concepts which provide for access and the creation of jobs for young people from Ocean mines and precedence of the children of retirees and workers as the right of precedence and recognized by law regulating some mines globally and locally in item vi of the vosbokraa company.

ليتفاجئ-g (), the State and the company has always pursued a policy of exclusion of our rights through the application of exclusionary criteria that do not respond to the reality of the citizen and Cheb Sahraoui so you tnsikitna five years ago peaceful protests as a rejection of this tragic situation despite continuous promises by the company and official institutions to confront Sir my sellers forms of harassment and persecution by State security organs and various activists and militants tnsikitna during this poses the legal laws and international covenants which will continue despite the The blockade and the threat and taunting which is affecting us.

So thank you to intervene to lift us economic persecution and a policy to starve and abuse our rights as well as to pressure Morocco to submit to laws and international conventions and protocols and to implement international resolutions and international legitimacy.

[09/02/2016 à 18:40] Ayache.hmadnah: Stages in the wester Sahara for coordinating the sons and widows of vosbokraa retirees in its demands:

After the OCP group, a communication is dated 05/04/2011 provides:

✓ Recruitment of 5800 people

✓ 15000 individual configuration

Targeting the sons and daughters of the compound in alvosvatih areas.

Discover our removal were not justified and not a supervisor from the distribution of jobs and training which prompted us to establish coordinating desert sons and widows vosbokraa: on 21 August 2011 to open serious dialogue and finding reasonable solutions that followed Miley:

Correspondence to both previous and current Government in person

 Regional Manager lvosbokraa

 human resources manager lvosbokraa

 Mr. to Laayoune-Boujdour-Sakia El Hamra Red

 intermediary institution (Regional Commissariat for the eyes)

 General Manager of OCP in Casablanca

 writer General El Sheriff phosphates in Casablanca

 parliamentarians s

 Prime

 Prime Minister

 Minister of energy and minerals

 on 30 September 2011 interview with human resources manager bevosbokraa which did not yield any result.

 entry in ascending path through peaceful vigil

✓ Before management vosbokraa eyes

✓ The General management of the group in Casablanca.

 interview with Director Taha belfrig sustainable development responsible distribution process ocpskils (which recognized the right of exclusion)

 side false promises

 continued vigil.

Western Sahara: Forgotten State inside America’s Sphere of Interest

A few days before the new year of 2016, a whole series of resolutions were adopted at the 70th session of the UN General Assembly, one of which deserves special attention. It is dedicated to a forgotten international crisis and an ultimately forgotten country known as Western Sahara...

One reason that Western Sahara became a problem once Africa was decolonized was because Morocco and Mauritania had claims on its territory (Western Sahara covers 266,000 sq. kilometers, making it 20,000 sq. kilometers larger than Great Britain). The population of Western Sahara advocated for independence and the right to determine their own identity, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Río de Oro (POLISARIO) fiercely resisted its country’s occupiers. Currently, only 43 nations support the legality of Morocco’s claims to Western Sahara. Most of the world backs POLISARIO, although only 37 countries have recognized the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) as an independent state.

The UN Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples considers Western Sahara to be a non-self-governing territory and an unresolved problem resulting from decolonization. In the early 1990s, when preparations began for a referendum on independence, it seemed that the problem of Western Sahara was nearing a resolution... But then suddenly everything ground to a halt. And both the problem and the state were utterly forgotten.

The resolution on Western Sahara adopted by the UN General Assembly in December 2015 clearly lacks teeth. That resolution «[s]upports the process of negotiations» conducted... in 2007-2008 and requests the UN Secretary-General to continue to report on the situation... And that’s it.

However, a few decades ago there were claims that it was the United Nations that was responsible for the people of Western Sahara. The last time the UN Security Council discussed the question of Western Sahara – in November 2015 – for some reason it did so behind closed doors.

In April 2015 the UN Security Council refused to hear (!) the African Union’s special representative for West Africa, the former President of Mozambique Joaquim Chissano. The vast majority of African countries today recognize Western Sahara as an independent state. But the West does not approve of the African Union’s desire to handle regional crises in Africa on its own – so much so that it refused to even give the union’s representative an audience in the UN Security Council. But Africa can solve its own problems fairly well as long as the «global community» refrains from interfering.
And the UN Security Council has shown its complete impotence in dealing with the Saharan question. The rare UN Security Council resolutions on Western Sahara are overtly formal. They are adopted solely in order to facilitate the latest extension of the mandate of the UN Mission in Western Sahara, although the mission does not take any action, but is simply «present» within the territory of the occupied state. There are no signs whatsoever that they are working to reach a political settlement. This is why the mission is so meagerly staffed, employing only 210 military servicemen and police (26 of which are soldiers, while the others are military observers). However, the mission has an impressive price tag, with a budget of more than $55 million in 2015.

The most recent UN Security Council resolutions on Western Sahara seem artificial in nature. For example, a resolution adopted in April 2015 states that the council «calls upon» the parties to resume negotiations and «requests» the Secretary-General «to brief the Security Council on a regular basis, and at least twice a year, on the status and progress of these negotiations». In other words, the council insists that it must be kept informed about the progress of negotiations that have not yet begun. But the Security Council is aware that the negotiations broke off back in 2008, and no one expects them to be resumed. It seems that the authors of the draft resolution did not bother to read the UN Secretary-General’s report, which refers to «the lack of progress towards a resolution of the dispute over the status of Western Sahara, which has not changed since my last report... [despite]... the efforts of the United Nations». All efforts over the last seven years to once again lead the parties to the negotiating table have led to naught. And this is despite the fact that the two sides in the conflict have been represented by the same people the entire time (King Mohammed VI of Morocco and Mohamed Abdelaziz, the president of the SADR), although their «intermediaries» change. So, is it the «intermediaries» who are the problem?

It is to the benefit of many for the problems of Western Sahara to remain unresolved. This is primarily true of course for Morocco, which siphons resources from both the SADR’s land as well as its water (the exclusive economic zone and continental shelf of Western Sahara is rich in natural resources, from fish to oil). Western companies also benefit from leaving the problem of Western Sahara unresolved. Such as, for example, the company San Leon Energy (headquartered in Ireland), which in August 2015 began drilling the El Aaiun-4 well near Tarfaya, in a region occupied by Morocco. The SADR’s president, Mohamed Abdelaziz, has asked the UN Secretary-General to condemn this theft of natural resources belonging to the people of Western Sahara, but Ban Ki-moon remains silent. And the UN Security Council meets behind closed doors...

For decades, the US has had a special interest in maintaining control over Western Sahara. For many years former US Secretary of State James Baker acted as the Secretary-General’s special envoy for Western Sahara. In 2009 another American – Christopher Ross – was assigned to this position.

It must be kept in mind that Western Sahara is very sparsely populated (with only 500,000 inhabitants) and it borders areas affected by terrorism and transnational crime (in particular, drug smuggling from Latin America), hence the importance of the territory of Western Sahara for the world-government regime. This also explains why the problem of the Saharan conflict seems impossible to resolve...


The Palestinian Authority supports the occupation and settlements (of Western Sahara)

In a working visit to Morocco, a Palestinian delegation met with the leader of opposition party l’Union Socialiste des Forces Populaires, known as USFP, according to Arabic daily Al Ittihad Al Ichtiraki in its Friday issue.

USFP leader Driss Lachgar discussed the Moroccan Sahara with Abbas Zaki, member of the Fatah Central Committee.

According to the daily, both leaders agreed that “the issue of the Moroccan Sahara and that of Palestine will now be at the center of their diplomatic cooperation.”

The meeting was held in presence of the Ambassador of Palestine to Morocco, Amine Ahmed Mohamed Abou Hassira, as well as three other Fatah leaders alongside Abba Zaki.

The working visit of the Palestinian delegation comes just weeks after Palestinian Foreign Minister Ryad El Maliki visited Morocco and declared Palestine’s support for Morocco’s territorial integrity.

According to the same source, Minister El Maliki stated Palestine’s position in favor of “a settlement of the conflict within the framework of Morocco’s sovereignty.”

“There is no need to make any comparison between the Palestinian cause and the Moroccan Sahara issue,” El Maliki stressed.

“We struggle against the Israeli occupation since 1948 and Morocco struggles for the achievement of its territorial integrity,” he added.The Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara is about as clear-cut example of occupation as you can imagine. In 1975, the International Court of Justice ruled that Morocco and Mauritania has no legal claims on the land and that the native Sahrawi had the right to self-determination. Immediately afterwards, Morocco took over two thirds of the country and Mauritania the other third. In 1978, Mauritania made a peace deal with the Sahrawi and gave them their third of the land - and Morocco took that over as well (although a percentage of the and is controlled by the Sahrawis.) . Hundreds of thousands of Moroccan settlers have moved to the territory under army protection, and they now outnumber the natives by as much as 3-1

Most nations consider Morocco's annexation of western Sahara to be illegal. . 

For Palestinians to side with the occupiers and settlers in Western Sahara shows that their claims to be on the side of international law (and on the side of people under occupation) is a joke.

Notice also that while the Sahrawis make no claim against Morocco itself, this Palestinian foreign minister says explicitly that Israel is occupying Palestinian territory since 1948 - meaning that he admits that the PLO goal is to gain all of Israel. The claims of "occupation" to the West are a smokescreen.

Marocleaks : Moroccan arguments to justify its coloniwation of Western Sahara

Memorandum on the Moroccan Sahara issue

May 2014
  1. The Kingdom of Morocco holds a unique experience in the history of colonization, as well as in the decolonization process, that deviates from the usual model. Thus it was in 1912, that the Moroccan territory was effectively split up into several zones of occupation. Forty years later, through international agreements negotiated with the various colonial powers; the Kingdom of Morocco began to gradually recover its territorial integrity. It is in this context that the Kingdom of Morocco, after its independence in 1956, entered into negotiations with Spain that brought about the progressive recovery of certain areas located in the south of the Kingdom, namely Tarfaya in 1958, Sidi Ifni in 1969 and the Saquiet al Hamra and Oued Eddahab in 1975, known since then as the Sahara, following the Madrid Agreements which was acknowledged by the General Assembly.

2. For geopolitical reasons related to the context of Cold War, Algeria has opposed to the process of completion of Morocco’s territorial integrity and has embarked on a deliberate policy to systematically thwart the legitimate rights of the Kingdom.

  1. The African mediation, undertaken in 1976, having failed, the Sahara issue was entrusted to the UN.

I- Development of the issue within the United Nations:

  1. Morocco participated in good faith to the implementation of the Settlement Plan proposed, in 1991, by the United Nations to resolve the dispute over the Sahara.

  1. However, the complex and delicate nature of the identification process, the deliberate will of other parties to exclude important constituencies of the Sahrawi tribes from this process, as well as the fundamental differences that characterized the positions of the parties on important aspects of the Plan, led the Secretary-General and the Security Council of the United Nations to conclude on the inapplicability of the Settlement Plan.

  1. Thus, the Secretary-General underlined in his report S/2000/13 of February 17, 2000 that «it has not been possible during this period to implement in full any of the main provisions of the United Nations Settlement Plan", due to “fundamental differences between the parties over the interpretation of its main provisions”.

  1. The Security Council, drawing the necessary conclusions from this report, recommended to the Secretary-General in its resolution 1292 of February 29, 2000 “to consult the parties and, taking into account existing and potential obstacles, to explore ways and means to achieve an early, durable and agreed resolution of their dispute, that would define their respective rights and obligations in Western Sahara”.

  1. In application of this recommendation, Mr. James Baker, Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General, held in the year 2000, in London and in Berlin, a series of consultations during which he invited the parties to consider a solution of compromise, deemed a 3rd way by appealing to the parties to “begin negotiating a political solution that could settle the dispute over the Western Sahara” (Report S/2000/683 of 13 July 2000).

  1. Upon presenting the draft Framework Agreement, (Baker Plan I) in June 2001, the Secretary General and his Personal Envoy considered that this plan “offers what could be the last chance for the upcoming years” and urged all concerned parties to “seize this opportunity, for it serves the interests of the population of Western Sahara as well as the countries of the region”.

  1. By its resolution 1359 of 29 June 2001, the Security Council confirmed this recommendation and «encouraged the parties to discuss the draft Framework Agreement and to negotiate any specific changes they would like to see in this proposal, as well as to discuss any other proposal for a political solution, which may be put forward by the parties, to arrive at a mutually acceptable agreement".

  1. In response to this resolution, Morocco accepted the draft Framework Agreement, as a basis for negotiation, in order to definitely settle this regional dispute. However, Algeria and the Polisario rejected this proposal and refused the negotiations which were proposed to them by the Secretary-General.

  1. Algeria went so far as to submit, on the 2nd of November 2001, to Mr. Baker, in Houston, a proposal whereby the territory and population of the Western Sahara would be partitioned. Needless to say, this proposal sacrifices both the principle of self-determination and the myth of “the Sahrawi territory and people” which have always constituted the basis of the position, or at least the officially declared one, of Algeria in relation to this dispute.

  1. It is worth noting that Algeria deliberately ignored Baker Plan I and the Algerian proposal whereby the territory would be partitioned, an important step that has marked the process of resolving the issue within the United Nations.

  1. Following these important developments, Mr. Baker submitted the “Peace Plan” (Baker Plan II). By its resolution 1495 of July 31, 2003, the Security Council conditioned its support for this plan to the agreement of the parties. Due to the fundamental disagreements between the parties concerning this second Baker Plan, the condition set by the Security Council for its support was, de facto, not met and thereby rendered it invalid.

  1. In this framework, the Security Council, by its Resolution 1541 of 29 April 2004, clarified, once for all, the modality recommended by the international community for the final settlement of the question of Sahara, as consisting solely of a negotiated solution. The Security Council also placed this dispute in its actual regional context while calling on the States of the region to cooperate for this purpose with the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy.

  1. Following the resignation of Mr. James Baker in June 2004, Mr. Kofi Annan appointed Mr. Alvaro De Soto to succeed him, entrusting him with a mandate to continue working with the parties and States of the region in order to arrive at a mutually acceptable political solution, with no reference to Baker Plan II.

This decision generated a radicalisation of the Algerian position, particularly illustrated by the refusal to cooperate with Mr. De Soto and by the insistent demands to have him replaced.

  1. Following Algeria’s refusal to cooperate with his Special Representative, Mr. Alvaro De Soto, the Secretary-General appointed in July 2005, Mr.Peter Van Walsum as his new Personal Envoy for the Sahara. The Secretary General entrusted him with a mandate to “evaluate the situation and search, with all the parties, the neighbouring States and other protagonists, for the best way to overcome the present political deadlock”. (Letter of the Secretary-General S/2005/497).

  1. In this regard, M. Van Walsum presented on January 18, 2006 to the Security Council his vision of a possible solution to the Sahara issue. He thus carefully considered the situation and made an analysis of the reality surrounding this dispute, calling upon all parties to engage in negotiations. In this regard, he urged the international community to convince Algeria to participate to the negotiations because it holds the key to the solution”.

  1. This approach was confirmed by the UN Secretary General in its reports of April and October 2006 (S/2006/249).

II-Moroccan initiative and starting a new process:

  1. In response to the numerous calls made by the Security Council to end the political impasse, Morocco submitted to the Secretary General of the United Nations, on April 11th 2007, the Moroccan Initiative for negotiating an autonomous statute for the Sahara region”.

  1. This initiative is the result of a large consultation process at national and local levels, bringing together political parties, people and politicians of the region, through the Royal Advisory Council for Saharan Affairs, to gather their views on the draft implementation of autonomy to the Sahara region. This internal consultation process has also been supplemented by dialogues at regional and international levels in order to gather the views of the countries concerned and interested in this regional dispute.

  1. Through this initiative, the Kingdom of Morocco guarantees to the population of the region, their position and role, without discrimination or exclusion, in its bodies and institutions. Thus, populations of the Sahara can democratically manage their affairs, through legislative, executive and judicial exclusive power. They have the financial resources to develop the region in all areas and to participate actively in the economic, social and cultural development of the nation.

  1. This is an initiative of compromise that is consistent with international law, the UN Charter, resolutions of the General Assembly and Security Council, as well as the right to self determination.

Indeed, the autonomous status of the Sahara will be negotiated and will be subject to a free referendum of the people concerned.

  1. In a desperate effort to thwart this new dynamic, the polisario has submitted a proposal containing outdated proposals with no constructive element to help solve the regional dispute over the Sahara.

  1. On April 30th 2007, the Security Council adopted resolution 1754 which represents a major turning point and whose fundamentals are as follows:

  • No reference to previous proposals namely the Baker Plan II;
  • Calls upon the parties and States of the region to continue to cooperate fully with the United Nations and with each other to end the current impasse and to achieve progress towards a political solution;
  • The appreciation of the serious and credible efforts of Morocco;
  • The consecration of negotiations as the means chosen by the International Community for the resolution of this conflict as well as a way to satisfy the right to self-determination;
  • Calls upon parties to enter into negotiations without preconditions in good faith, taking into account the developments of the last months with a view to achieving a just, lasting and mutually acceptable political solution.
  1. While the Security Council opted for a genuine major turning point by adopting resolution 1754, the General Assembly foreclosed this option by affirming the departure from the earlier approaches.
  2. In application of resolution 1754, the Secretary-General invited the parties and States of the region to the first two rounds of negotiations, which were held respectively on 18 and 19 June and 10 and August 11, 2007 in Manhasset.
  3. This rupture was confirmed by the adoption without a vote by the General Assembly of resolution 62/116 of 17 December 2007, endorsing the approach chosen by the Security Council and expanding the scope of self-determination to all available options of expression for self-determination, as long they are in accordance with the freely expressed wishes of the people concerned and in conformity with the principles clearly defined contained in general Assembly resolutions 1514 and 1541 and other resolutions.
  4. This resolution of the General Assembly therefore no longer makes any reference to previous plans and strongly supports Security Council resolution 1754 and welcomes the process of negotiation that has begun. Thus the General Assembly is now in accord with the Security Council.

  1. In resolution 1783 adopted in October 2007, the Security Council confirmed the pre-eminence of the Moroccan autonomy proposal. It also calls for the pursuance of negotiations while taking into account the efforts made since 2006in reference to the actions taken by Morocco in the elaboration, the promotion and presentation of the Moroccan initiative.
  2. After four rounds of negotiation, held in Manhasset, pursuant to UN Security Council resolutions 1754 and 1783, respectively in June and August 2007 as well as in January and March 2008, the Secretary-General recommended in his report S/2008/251 issued on 14 April 2008 that there should be intensive and substantive negotiations with a sense of realism and a spirit of compromise.
  3. This report also underlines that the Personal Envoy would “brief the parties as well as the Security Council on the way forward”, which would clearly be consistent with the assessment of the situation that the Personal Envoy will make at a later stage.
  4. In his briefing to the Security Council on April 21st 2008, the Personal Envoy of the Secretary General, M. Peter Van Walsum, underlined that “the independence of the Sahara is not a realistic option”.

  1. This conclusion is the result of the sound assessment of the Personal Envoy based upon numerous visits to the region, talks with all concerned parties as well as consultations with other members of the international community involved or interested in this regional dispute.

35. In resolution 1813, the Security Council while reaffirming its strong support for the efforts of the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy, calls upon the parties to engage in substantive negotiations and underlines that realism and spirit of compromise by the parties are essential to maintain the momentum of the process of negotiations.

36. From his part, the Secretary General in his report to the 63rd session of the General Assembly (A/63/131 dated 15th July 2008), the Secretary General concurred with his Personnel Envoy that the momentum could only be maintained by trying to find a way out of the current political impasse to realism and a spirit of compromise from the parties”.

37. On the other hand, Algeria and the Polisario have multiplied their public and violent attacks against the person and mandate of Mr. Van Walsum. This attitude is reminiscent of that adopted against Mr. De Soto in 2004. Over and beyond the hostility displayed towards the most recent Personal Envoys, Algeria is confirming its opposition to any prospect for the political solution that is sought by the international community.

38. Even though they first welcomed the adoption of resolution 1813 that in fact endorsed the approach based on realism and the spirit of compromise (op. para. 2), Algeria and the Polisario quickly made the person of the Personal Envoy the target of their increasingly violent attacks culminating in the proclamation of breakdown and the rejection of his mediation.
39. The General Assembly, for its part, has adopted the resolution 63/105, on December 5th, 2008, which buries sterile and backward-looking approaches, whose inapplicability has been established by the United Nations, and consecrates the multisided referential and diverse forms of principle of self-determination. This Resolution also reinforces the centrality of negotiations in order to reach a mutually acceptable solution, engaged by resolutions 1754, 1783 and, 1813 of the Security Council, and seals the cohesion between the Security Council and the General Assembly with regard to the Sahara issue.

40. After the end of Mr. Van Walsum’s mandate, the Secretary General of the United Nations appointed, on January 6th 2009, Mr. Christopher Ross as the new Personal Envoy, with the mandate to work with the parties and neighboring states on the basis of resolution 1813 and previous resolutions, and by taking into account the progress made so far towards reaching a just, lasting and mutually acceptable solution to the Sahara issue.

41. His first visit to Morocco and to the region from 18 to 24 February 2009, was the occasion for him to get in touch with the parties, to hear their views on the next phase of negotiations, and to study the conditions for the preparation of a fifth round.

42. Morocco has reaffirmed to the Personal Envoy, its commitment to implement the contents of Resolution 1813, under the continuation of the work done by Mr. Van Walsum, and to enter a phase of intense and substantive negotiations on the basis of the Moroccan autonomy initiative.

43. The report of the UN Secretary-General on the issue of the Moroccan Sahara (S/2009/200 of 13 April 2009) reaffirmed the primacy of resolution 1813 and the need for the parties to enter into substantive negotiations, while stressing on the importance of good preparation for the next round of negotiations through the holding of one or several small preparatory meetings in this regard.

44. The Security Council adopted unanimously Resolution 1871 on 30 April 2009, reaffirming and reinforcing the Council's support to all the provisions of resolution 1813 of April 2008, thus consolidating the fundamental and indispensable reference defined by the United Nations to achieve a political and final solution to the regional dispute over the Moroccan Sahara.

In addition, this new text retains all the provisions of resolution 1813, and, therefore, put the United Nations and the efforts of the Personal Envoy of the UN Secretary-General on the path of continuity, refusing a step backwards, as it has been advocated by the other parties, and consolidates further the ongoing process since April 2007 thanks to the Moroccan autonomy Initiative.

It also confirmed the centrality of the negotiation process and refused to give in to political blackmail, shameless practices of harassment and instrumentalisation that accompany it, and to attempts to avoid the fundamental track of negotiation.

45. After the 2nd visit of Mr. Ross to the region from 25 to 30 June 2009, Morocco has stressed on the strong commitment of the Moroccan Government to facilitate the mission of the UN Envoy, including the participation in the informal meetings called for by M. Ross as part of its pragmatic approach with a view to holding the 5th round of the negotiations.

46. Morocco has expressed the wish for a positive and effective participation of all parties in order to ensure adequate preparation for the 5th round of negotiations recommended by the Security Council’s resolutions, particularly resolution 1871.

47. In this context, Morocco took part in the first informal talks held in Vienna, from 9 till 11 of August 2009, under the auspices of the Personal Envoy of the Secretary General, in implementation of the Security Council resolution 1871. These talks were a new occasion for Morocco to re-introduce the content, the scope and the philosophy of the Moroccan Initiative, as a compromise solution to end the artificial dispute over the Moroccan Sahara.

48. The other parties, namely Algeria and polisario stood at their obsolete positions, presenting options and solutions which inapplicability were proved and verified.

49. The General Assembly of the United Nations adopted by consensus, on December 10, 2009, the resolution 64/101 on the Sahara issue, which supports the ongoing process of negotiation and emphasizes the responsibility of the parties and States of the region to cooperate fully with the Secretary General and his Personal Envoy and with each other to contribute to progress toward a compromise political solution to the dispute on the Regional Sahara.

Like the four resolutions of the Security Council (1754, 1783, 1813 et 1871), this resolution reinforces the negotiation as the unique mean to reach a political and mutually acceptable solution to the Sahara issue, and excludes the reference to the referendum as a tool to ensure the right to self-determination and settlement of the issue of the Moroccan Sahara.

50. The second informal talks on the Sahara, held on February 10-11 in Armonk (New York), in application of Security Council resolution 1871, provided an opportunity for Morocco to demonstrate the purpose, justness and full conformity of its autonomy initiative with the international legality, as well as with the spirit and the letter of the UN Security Council resolutions. Morocco expressed its willingness to negotiate a realistic solution on the basis of its autonomy Initiative, whose primacy was explicitly underlined by the Security Council.

Furthermore, Morocco showed the out-dated reference of the so-called proposal of the other parties, its obsolete content and its biased interpretation of the principle of self-determination, as well as the inapplicability of the referendum with extreme options.

51. The positions of the other parties, Algeria and polisario, remained frozen, advocating extremist options for the settlement of the Sahara issue, compromising, thus, the efforts of the United Nations to reach a political and lasting solution to this conflict.

III- The recent developments during 2010:

52. The report of the UN Secretary General S/2010/75 dated April 6th, 2010, reconfirmed the need for the parties to show the political will required to enter into substantive discussions and ensure the success of the negotiations. Furthermore, the report urges that appropriate attention should be paid to the issues of conducting a census of refugees and implementing a program of individual interviews.

53. Resolution 1920, adopted unanimously by the Security Council on April 30th, 2010, confirms and consolidates the new guidelines and the important parameters set by the recent Security Council resolutions, which should govern the pursuit of the political process, and guide the work of the Personal Envoy of the Secretary General to achieve a political solution.

54. In addition, it reinforces the determination of the international community to preserve and strengthen the positive dynamic, initiated by the submission of the Moroccan autonomy initiative. It reiterates, also, the appreciation of the serious and credible efforts of Morocco to end the impasse, calling for intensive and substantial negotiations, based on realism and spirit of compromise, taking into account the efforts since 2006.

This resolution considers that the consolidation of the status quo is not acceptable in the long term and emphasizes the need to make progress. It calls upon the parties and the States of the Region to cooperate more fully with the UN and with each other to end the current impasse and to achieve progress towards a political solution. It also calls upon the parties to continue to show political will so as to move ahead in negotiations, taking into account the pre-eminence of the Moroccan autonomy initiative, through its rich and substantial content, its strategic vision, its compliance with international law, its democratic and open criteria’s, and its philosophy that goes along the logic of compromise and the "third way".

55. The Fourth Committee of the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted by consensus, on October 11th, 2010, the resolution on the Sahara issue A/C.4/65/L.5, which supports the ongoing process of negotiation and emphasizes the responsibility of the parties and States of the region to cooperate fully with the Secretary General and his Personal Envoy and with each other to contribute to progress towards a political solution to the regional dispute on the Moroccan Sahara

56. Under the auspices of the Personnel Envoy of the UN Secretary General, the parties the 3rd informal meeting was held on November, 8th and 9th 2010, in Manhasett (New York), in application of Security Council resolution 1920. During this meeting, Morocco underlined the necessity to give a new impetus to the negotiations, on the basis of a new methodology, so as to overcome the deadlock. This proposal was accepted by the Personnel Envoy, Ambassador Christopher Ross.

During this meeting, Morocco reiterated his readiness to engage in a more substantial and intensive negotiations, according to the parameters defined by the Security Council resolutions, and in particular on the basis of the Moroccan autonomy initiative described by the international community as serious and credible. Morocco expressed its willingness to negotiate a realistic and feasible solution on the basis of its autonomy Initiative, whose primacy was explicitly underlined by the Security Council. Furthermore, Morocco reaffirmed that the so-called proposals of the other parties are obsolete and reiterated the inapplicability of the referendum with extreme options.

57. In pursuit of this process of negotiations, the fourth informal meeting, held under the auspices of the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General, in Manhasett on 16, 17 and 18 of December 2010, was an opportunity for the Moroccan delegation to present a number of initiatives and proposals to give a further chance for negotiation, accelerate and improve its relevance and vision. It was also an opportunity to discuss the need to no longer restrict tours of the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to Sahara, to preparation of rounds of negotiation, but to enroll in a dynamic to listen to those who can facilitate the process in the region, towards reaching a settlement serving the interests of the Arab Maghreb.

The Moroccan delegation expressed the strong will of Morocco to reach a final solution to the Sahara issue on the basis of realism and the Moroccan autonomy initiative welcomed by the entire international community, stressing that the autonomy plan represents a real opportunity for all peoples of the region.

58. During the 5th informal meeting, held from the 21st to the 23rd January 2011, in Green tree, Long Island, USA, the Kingdom has presented numerous and concrete ideas, so as to accelerate the rhythm of negotiations around the Sahara dispute. The Kingdom has proposed to diversify the mission of the Personal Envoy, to extend the negotiation to the representatives of the local population and to examine the real state of the natural resources of the region and the positive way to manage it for the benefit of the local population.

The Kingdom has reaffirmed its availability to come up with a political solution to the regional dispute, based on the Moroccan Initiative for Autonomy.

59. During the 6th informal meeting, held the 7th, 8th and 9th March 2011 in Malta, the Kingdom showed its full acceptance to the Personal Envoy initiative aiming to explore new approaches and to discuss new themes. It was also the occasion for the Moroccan delegation to highlight the relevance and the reasonableness of the Moroccan Initiative for Autonomy, as it was confirmed by the Security Council. The meeting was also the occasion for the Kingdom to highlight the limits of the polisario’s proposition, based on obsolete thesis and inapplicable contents.

On the other hand, the Kingdom has also expressed its astonishment towards the refusal of the other parties to talk about the question of the human rights, initially insistently introduced by the polisario. This has proven that the question of Human Rights is a media oriented maneuver aiming at disturbing the whole process of negotiation.
60. The Security Council adopted unanimously on April 27th 2011, the Resolution 1979 on the Sahara, encouraging the efforts made by the Kingdom, through its Initiative for Autonomy Plan and actions conducted by His Majesty King Mohammed VI, aiming at protecting and promoting human rights at the regional and national levels.

The Council recalls the Initiative for Autonomy Plan supremacy, the serious and credible efforts made by Morocco and the necessity to conduct serious negotiations based on spirit of compromise and realism, which is the only possible settlement for the dispute over the Sahara.

The Resolution encourages Morocco’s propositions that lie within the innovative approach for the negotiations processes, through a better contribution of the legitimate local population’s representatives in the settlement of the dispute and the setting up of thematic debates on governance, enabling thereby Morocco to assert the total conformity with international law of the Moroccan Initiative for Autonomy Plan.

The Resolution highlights parties’ responsibility in the actual political deadlock and in the dramatic humanitarian situation prevailing in Tindouf camps in Algeria.

Concerning human rights, the Resolution does not refer to an international monitoring mechanism of human rights, congratulates the efforts expanded by Morocco in that field and, in so doing, rejects other parties’ attempts to discredit the achievements and the reforms announced through His Majesty speech, concerning the establishment of the National Council for Human Rights and the Ombudsman Institution.

On the other hand, the Council congratulates the Kingdom’s will to keep on interacting positively with the UN Human Rights Council, through the newest Inter ministerial Delegation for human rights.

For the first time, the Security Council calls the UN HCR to register the population in the Tindouf camps in order to ensure its international protection and to take into account their political will, through individual interviews.

61. The Security Council Resolution, 1979, was the centre of the 7th informal talks, held in Manhasset the 6th , the 7th and the 8th of June 2011, and is considered as a framework of orientation for the coming negotiations.

These negotiations were the occasion for the Kingdom to recall, through the adoption of this resolution, the supremacy of the Moroccan initiative for autonomy as a basis for negotiation, and the Security Council calls to Algeria to enable the population census in Tindouf camps, in accordance with its international obligations, as a state party of the Convention of 1951on refugees.

The Kingdom called the neighbouring states and to Algeria to engage in intensive negotiations and to cooperate with Morocco to end the dispute over the Sahara, as highlighted in the Resolution.

On the human rights field, the international community recognized the substantial efforts made the Kingdom, where as the other parties’ commitment to respect and protect the human rights, in particular in Tindouf camps in Algeria, remains uncertain.

With regard the innovative approach for the negotiation process, the Kingdom proposed the participation of the population legitimate’ representatives in the quest for a political solution and in the governance, in conformity with the Moroccan Initiative for autonomy.

The Kingdom also insisted on the fact that the legitimacy of the representation derives from the holding of a free, regular and fair elections, as it is the case in Morocco, refuting thereby polisario’s claim as a legitimate representative of the local population.

62. During the 8th informal talks, which were held in Manhasset from the 19th to 21st of July 2011, Morocco highlighted the accuracy of the United Nations’ innovative approach that can help evolve the current situation through a full involvement of the population legitimate representatives.

Morocco disclosed the status quo installed by the other parties and reiterates its call to the international community and to Algeria, as a country host of the refugees, to apply the international humanitarian law, in particular the organization and the registration of the population living in the Tindouf camps in Algeria.

Morocco has denounced polisario’s refusal to engage talks on the human rights question, that it claimed and that Morocco accepted, with its strong legal framework in the field of the human rights.

In the meantime, Morocco insisted on the necessity to conduct the next informal talks with the participation of the local population legitimate representatives, in order to contribute to a final settlement.

These talks were the occasion for Morocco to highlight the evolvement of its position through the Moroccan initiative for autonomy and to recall its legitimacy and its conformity with the international law, as highlighted by the Security Council.

63. On October 10th, 2011, the 4th Committee of the General Assembly adopted a draft resolution on the Sahara issue (A/C.4/66/L.5), welcoming the process of negotiations and encouraging a mutually acceptable political solution to the dispute

The resolution also calls upon the parties and the states of the region to cooperate fully with the Secretary General and its personal Envoy to find a political solution to the regional dispute over the Moroccan Sahara.

64. Regarding the humanitarian dimension, Morocco has participated in several meetings and initiatives for the sole purpose of alleviating the suffering of the Tindouf camps populations in Algeria. In this context, it should be noted that the family visit program has been strengthened and continued without interruption, despite attempts to politicize this humanitarian activity by other parties.
In the same context, a seminar on the Hassani culture was organized under the aegis of the UNHCR in Madeira (Portugal) in September 2011.

The parties held under the auspices of UNHCR and in the presence of the Personal Envoy, the second review meeting on implementation of confidence-building measures in Geneva on 24 and 25 January in 2012. During this meeting, Morocco contributed positively to the adoption of new measures, including increasing the number of beneficiaries of the family visits program by air, by using larger aircraft. The parties have agreed to hold two new seminars and adopted a new action plan on CBM.

65. During the ninth round of informal talks held in Manhasset from March 11 to 13, 2012, Morocco reiterated its strong commitment to contribute effectively to an innovative solution that goes beyond the classical methods to end the current deadlock on the Sahara issue, expressing its regret that the other parties are sticking to their position, especially regarding the identification and the registration of the Tindouf camps population.

Morocco recalled also that the autonomy initiative is a courageous initiative developed in response to calls of the Security Council of the UN for a political, negotiated and mutually acceptable solution. This initiative is open to discussion and negotiation.

In addition, Morocco has reported that the ninth round of informal talks took place in a context marked by the positive changes due to "Arab Spring", and the new dynamic in the relations between the Maghreb countries. The Moroccan delegation noted, in this respect, that this new regional order requires all parties to change their perception and adopt a constructive new approach.

66. The Security Council resolution 2044 (2012) unanimously adopted April 24, 2012, consolidated the parameters set by the Council to reach a final political solution to the regional dispute over the Sahara. It has reinforced the process of negotiations as single-track dispute resolution and enhanced innovative approaches.

The preeminence of the Moroccan autonomy initiative was reaffirmed along with the cardinal principles of realism and a spirit of compromise as a means of achieving a political solution advocated by the Council.

Similarly, the resolution reaffirmed the determination of the international community to promote responsible and sincere commitment of all parties in intensive and substantive phase of negotiations and avoid blocking strategies.

Despite repeated attempts to instrumentalize the issue of human rights in the Moroccan Sahara, the Security Council welcomed the measures taken by Morocco, in the process of deepening political reforms in the Kingdom.

Hence, the Council welcomed the operationalization of the two regional offices of National Human Rights Council in Lâayoune and Dakhla, and the positive interaction with special procedures of the Human Rights Council.

The Security Council reiterated, for the second time, his appeal to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to proceed in accordance with its mandate and practice, to the identification of the Tindouf camps, in consultation with Algeria as the host country. This operation is no longer just a moral or legal responsibility, it is a political obligation confirmed by the Security Council.

67. Morocco, while considering that the question of Sahara is currently going through an important stage, has undertaken a global assessment of the last developments which gave to the following three conclusions:

  • The stalemate of the negotiations process after the nine rounds of informal negotiations without any perspective of progress;
  • The unacceptable lapses in the last report of the Secretary General which are considered as unfair to Morocco;
  • The acts, statements and initiatives of the personal envoy and his unbalanced and partial course of action which are contrary to the mission he was entrusted with by the SG of the UN in his nomination letter dated January 2009, and in violation of the parameters defined by the Security Council of the United Nations,
68. Morocco shared this assessment with the SG of the UN and requested him to take the necessary measures in this regard,

69. On 15 June 2012, the SG of the UN appointed Mr. Wolfgang Weisbrod-Weber (Germany) as the new Special and head of the MINURSO in replacement of Mr. Hany Abdel-Aziz whose term ended in April 2012.

70. Morocco took part to the 3rd meeting of the CBMs evaluation program conducted by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) between the populations of the provinces of the south and their families in Tindouf camps in Algeria, on 19 through 20 September, in Geneva with the participation of delegations from Algeria, Mauritania and polisario.

The meeting focused mainly on the assessment of the family visits by plane and to the nonpolitical seminars organized in the framework of the CBMs. Implemented under the auspices of the UNHCR humanitarian protection global mandate and in conformity to the relevant international conventions, practices and decisions of the High Commissioner for Refugees.

71- The Personal Envoy of the Secretary General of the United Nations for the Moroccan Sahara, Mr.Christopher Ross, visited Morocco on 27 October, 2012.
This visit is part of the efforts being made to relaunch the political process with a view to finding out a political, definitive and consensual solution to the regional dispute over the Moroccan Sahara.

72- The visit followed also the telephone conversation of 25 August 2012, between His Majesty King Mohammed VI, May God Assist Him, and Mr. Ban Ki Moon, the Secretary General of the United Nations, which was the occasion to insist on the necessity to realize a progress in the settlement process on solid and sound basis, to abide by the clear parameters contained in the UN Security Council resolutions, in particular, realism and compromise spirit and the recognition of the serious and credible nature of the efforts made by Morocco in the framework of the autonomy initiative.

73- On 28th November 2012, the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary General in charge of the Sahara, presented to the Security Council his report which came in conformity with SC resolution 2044 (2012). The report also followed the phone conversation, dated 25 August 2012, of His Majesty the King, may God Assists Him with the UN Secretary General and the regional visit of the Personnel Invoice of the UN SG in charge of the Sahara, M.Ross which covered Morocco (Rabat and provinces of the South), Algeria (Algiers, Tindouf camps), Mauritania, Spain and France;

74-The report confirms Morocco's position with regard the negotiation process including:

  • The stalemate in the negotiations and the need to give a new dynamic through a new approach while focusing on key parameters set by the Security Council for the visibility for this process
  • The need for a differentiation between the political, military, humanitarian and human rights aspects, while stating that it is the political aspect that is solely the responsibility of the Special Envoy;
  • The role and responsibility of Algeria to find out a solution to this artificial regional dispute and the need to normalize relations between Algeria and Morocco to progress in the negotiations;
  • Security threats and developments in the region impose a new approach based on greater coordination between Morocco and Algeria to counter threats including security in the camps of Tindouf.

75-The report has received positive feedback from some members of the Security Council who reiterated their support to the process of negotiations for a political solution to the regional dispute over the Moroccan Sahara while emphasizing the realism and seriousness of the Moroccan initiative of autonomy as a basis for the settlement of this dispute. They also welcomed Morocco's efforts in strengthening human rights through national mechanisms and positive interaction with the relevant measures of the Council of Human Rights. They also reiterated the need to give the possibility to the High Commissioner for Refugees to carry out population census of Tindouf.

76- The Personal Envoy of the UN Secretary General for the Sahara, Mr. Christopher Ross, paid a visit to Morocco from 20 to 24 March 2013 as part of a regional tour including Algeria (Algiers and Tindouf camps), Mauritania and Spain. The aim of the visit was to relaunch the process of negotiations on clear foundations such as defined by the UN Security Council resolutions, in order to reach a negotiated political and mutually acceptable solution to the regional dispute over the Moroccan Sahara. The visit comes in a special context, marked by the recent security developments in the Sahel region and the various calls aimed at finding a political solution to the dispute over the Moroccan Sahara.

During his visit to Rabat, the Personal Envoy of the UN Secretary General for the Sahara had meetings with the Chief of the Government, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, the two Presidents of the Houses of Representatives and Counselors, officials from the National Council for Human Rights, the Royal Advisory Council for Saharan Issues, and the Economic, Social and Environmental Council as well as with representatives from the Civil Society and Moroccan ONGs.

The different Moroccan officials reiterated Morocco's willingness to facilitate the resumption of the negotiation process in order to achieve a political solution to this regional dispute, which would permit the return of Sahraoui families to their homeland and the edification of the Maghreb. They also underlined the security threats posed by terrorist groups in the region and the need to address them, while stressing the importance of the normalization of the relations between Morocco and Algeria.

Mr. Ross also had talks with the local authorities in Lâayoune and Dakhla as well as with the representatives of the civil society and NGOs.
78- On April 25th 2013, the Security Council adopted unanimously resolution 2099 which comes as a continuation of previous resolutions adopted since 2007 by:
  • Confirming, once again, the pre-eminence of the autonomy initiative presented by Morocco and the parameters for a final political settlement based on realism and compromise ;
  • Requesting the parties to invest, in good faith, in the negotiation process while taking into account efforts made by Morocco since 2006;
  • Calling up on Algeria to invest, in a constructive manner, in the quest of a political solution to this regional conflict, through a direct and precise call made to neighbouring States to be more resolutely involved, in order to end the present deadlock and move forward to a final political solution;
  • Recognizing explicitly that the dispute settlement, combined with cooperation between the UMA Member-States, will contribute to stability and security in the Sahel region;
  • Comforting the Moroccan position and underlying the request for a census of the Tindouf camps population, and encouraging, for the first time, efforts made to this end.
Despite the other parties’ attempts to exploit human rights issues to achieve political ends, the resolution confirms that the MINURSO mandate and activities will be maintained in their current state, and does not stipulate any mechanism implying directly or indirectly, any sort of international human rights monitoring. On the contrary, it recognizes and hails the stages covered by Morocco in the consolidation of the National human rights council as well as the Kingdom’s voluntary interaction with special procedures stemming from the Human rights Council.
79- The 68th session of the UN General Assembly adopted, without a vote, the draft resolution (A/C.4/68/L.5) that supports the negotiation process in order to achieve a just, lasting political and mutually acceptable solution and welcomes the commitment of the parties to continue to show the political will continuously shown and work in an atmosphere propitious for dialogue in order to enter, in good faith and without preconditions, in a more intensive negotiations phase taking into account efforts made and developments since 2006.
80- The Personal Envoy of the UN Secretary General for the Sahara, Mr. Christopher Ross undertook a visit to Morocco on 14 to 18 October 2013. This visit is part of efforts to revitalize the political process aimed at reaching a final and consensual political solution to the regional dispute over the Moroccan Sahara. It comes as well as part of a tour in the camps of Tindouf, Mauritania and Algeria.
During this visit, Dr. Ross held a meeting with the Prime Minister, Mr.Abdelilah Benkirane, as well as with the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, Mr. Salahddine Mezouar in the presence of the Minister Delegate to the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, Mrs. Mbarka Bouaida, the Minister of Interior, Mr. Hassad, the President of the House of Counselors, Mr.Biadillah and the President the House of Representatives, M.Ghellab. During this visit, the UN official also met, Mr.Christopher Ross also held talks with representatives of political parties and the civil society as well as with local officials in the southern provinces
Discussions with the UN official focused on ways and means to lay the proper foundation for a resumption of negotiations between the parties. Moroccan officials reaffirmed their commitment to the autonomy plan in the southern provinces proposed by Morocco, as «the only way «to solve the artificial dispute over the Moroccan Sahara.
81- On April 29, 2014, the Security Council adopted, by the unanimity of its members, the resolution on RES/2152/2014 on the regional dispute over the Moroccan Sahara which confirms strongly and without any ambiguity, the line of work that was his, in recent years.
His Majesty the King Mohammed VI had, during a telephone conversation with the Secretary General of the United Nations, underlined the need to preserve the parameters of the negotiation as defined by the Security Council, to maintain the current procedures for the involvement of the United Nations.
The UN resolution RES/2152/2014:
  • Preserves the framework and the facilitation parameters conducted by the United Nations to put an end to this regional dispute. Indeed, the Security Council underlines the centrality of negotiation as the only way of resolving this dispute, and reaffirms the primacy of the autonomy initiative presented by Morocco, whose efforts for its development have been qualified as " serious and credible ", and further calls for negotiations on the basis of " realism and a spirit of compromise " to reach a final political solution to this regional dispute.
  • Stresses, particularly, on the regional dimension of the dispute and calls Algeria:
  • To get involved, constructively and directly in the process of finding a political solution, since it requests it, anew, to cooperate fully with the United Nations and with one another, and to engage more decisively to end the current impasse and to achieve progress towards a political solution;
  • Regarding the responsibilities of Algeria on "the unprecedented human and humanitarian situation in the camps of Tindouf ," the resolution requests again that the registration of refugees in Tindouf camps be considered, and encourages making efforts in this regard;
  • To strengthen regional cooperation, since the Council has recognized, anew, that the political solution to this long-standing dispute and the strengthening of the cooperation between the Member States of the Maghreb Arab Union, would contribute to the stability and security in the Sahel region.
  • Highlights the actions of Morocco in the consolidation of the promotion and protection of human rights, while welcoming the recent measures and initiatives taken by Morocco to enhance the Committees of the CNDH in Dakhla and Lâayoune, and the current interaction of the Kingdom with the special procedures of the Human Rights Council.
82- Morocco remains committed with seriousness and good faith to the initiatives and efforts of the UN aimed at overcoming the deadlock and ending the current situation, in order to reach a realistic, definitive and mutually accepted political solution on the basis of the Moroccan initiative and in total respect of the sovereignty and integrity of the Kingdom.

SOURCE : Internal note of morocca foreign affairs ministry